After June 15th the process will either develop into an historic agreement or war
The Turkish government would not resist for more than three months, should a fierce war break out.
I salute the women's movement and congratulate them on their congress. I wish them success. It is important that they are strong against the patriarchal structure and are capable of legitimate defence. Also I believe they are developing ideologically, it is imperative.
The importance of this place (Imrali Island) in history is that they brought rebel princes or leaders here and tried to suppress them by abandoning them to death. They brought Adnan Menderes here following May 26th 1960.
I want to make a brief analysis regarding the recent events in Yuksekova. I don't think the depth of the situation has been comprehended. To call it a provocation is too simple; it is not simply a provocation, it goes deeper and is more serious. Iran is involved in this incident. It was developed in conjunction with the security agreement made between Turkey and Iran. The Hizbullah members released recently escaped to Iran. This was agreed on before hand. Iran always has an influence in these types of events and forms and controls certain forces that are affiliated with them. They targeted certain Kemalist intellectuals in the past and are currently active in the Middle East; Lebanon, Syria and Bahrain are examples. Iran is supporting the Shiite uprising in Bahrain, this is how Iran operates. In the border areas such as Hakkari, Van and Yuksekova, Iran organises these incidents using money and weapons. It is easy to find people who have a weakness for money or weapons. They (Iran) can see that the Kurdish people are gaining certain things and they want to profit from this; they want to be partners, this is the plan. Their aim is to re-appropriate Kurdish people's gain by using religion, and the AKP government has given them the go-ahead to do this. I said it before, if there are good-intentioned people among them (Hizbullah) then we can develop a dialogue and invite them to participate in the DTK (Democratic Society Congress), they can organise under the DTK. We have no intention of controlling them within the DTK. However, if they are ill-intentioned then we cannot permit this. They killed many of our people people in the past, over ten thousand Kurds. But Kurds are not the Kurds of yesteryear any longer, they will not allow future deaths, not ten thousand but the death of even ten Kurds is something that we will not tolerate.
The statements of the US Ambassador in Turkey were in the press recently. For 60 years the USA's politics have been dependent on the cultural genocide policy against Kurds. To gain the support of Turkey and Israel in the region, the Middle East and Caucasus, the USA has supported the policy of cultural genocide that has been implemented against the Kurds; however it has also not given permission for wholesale annihilation. A policy which is called 'the rabbit and hound' policy has been implemented. The Kurds have constantly been left wounded, they have not been killed but also never been given the chance to heal themselves. The USA and England have always used this policy. This has been a constant tactic since the support (given by Turkey) in the Korean war, this is why I said it has been 60 years, since 1952. They have kept the Kurds wounded to gain Turkish support in Bosnia, Somalia and Afghanistan. When there has been doubt they have left an open door in Northern Iraq for Kurds to escape through. In this way they have made the Turks and Kurds dependent on themselves, this is the policy of 'the rabbit and hound' where the rabbit is told to run and the hound told to catch. The recent decision the US has taken regarding Murat Karayilan (KCK Executive Council President) and the others is linked with this policy. But the USA should know that times have changed, the Kurds are not the Kurds of old and I am not Sheikh Said. No one can prevent the freedom struggle of the Kurdish people any longer.
The Kurdification in different regions are worth researching. There are similar incidents during my childhood that helped me gain my Kurdish identity. For example there are general characteristics among the Kurds of the Serhat region; following the exile of the Armenians from Agri, Igdir, Van, Mus and Erzurum, they (the state) brought over immigrants from the Caucasus and Balkans and settled them in these places. They tried to wipe away the Kurdishness of these areas. Recently they are talking of a 'crazy project' (the AKP's channel Istanbul project), in fact this was the real 'crazy project.' This policy was not just implemented in the Serhat region, it was also heavily implemented in the south-west region, in Malatya, Elazig, Antep, Maras and Adiyaman, in other words the whole of the region that is on the west of the Euphrates. This is a comprehensive policy and it has been implemented effectively; it is a hundred year project. This is what they call the 'Sark Islahat Plani' (East Reformation Plan) and it has been in practice since 1925. It is impossible to comprehend the present day and be involved in politics without being aware of these things. You cannot gain your freedom and develop policies without knowing history and your own identity.
I would like to say a few things regarding the meetings that are being held here. These meetings are qualitative and significant. They are serious discussions. The committee that are coming here to meet me are aware of the seriousness of the meeting and are becoming more aware as time goes on. I would like to be cautious regarding this issue, I want to see ahead, there are past experiences and I don't want to take one-sided steps. Previous experiences are forcing me to be like this. I am aware that I need to take all possibilities into consideration. The fates of Turgut Ozal, Necmettin Erbakan and Bulent Ecevit are pushing me to be cautious. I am a realist, I cannot say that I am hopeful or not. Things had come to the point of a resolution with Ozal; we were very hopeful, we were preparing the guerrillas to leave their weapons. In 1993 we thought "right, a solution is being reached, everything is set" when suddenly Ozal died. Later there was the process with Erbakan, we were trying to develop a solution with him as well. He was serious regarding a solution, but then they toppled him. Haddam (a Syrian official) has also stated these things to a newspaper. The situation of Ecevit in 2000 is also similar. He also wanted to develop a solution process but once again he was toppled; they crippled him. I reminded the committee that came to see me of the fates of Ozal, Erbakan and Ecevit. I said "you are in dialogue with me, tomorrow they may do the same to you as well. You may face the same fate as Ozal, Erbakan and Ecevit. There are many forces inside and outside the country who may want to hinder and stop this process from developing. If this happens it will be the fourth time that the vehicle will have been toppled, I can't take this chance. I will wait until June 15th."
Of course the meetings here are important, the committee is serious. There are representatives from important state organisations within the committee. They have the power to influence the state, political parties and also the public. However, this influence has not been exerted yet.
I had named my last defence 'Kurds in the claws of genocide,' but then changed the title. It is 790 pages in length. They still have not handed it over. I had stated before that some practical steps need to be taken immediately. I will wait until June 15th and then I will not wait another hour, the people have no more patience. Practical steps need to be taken now.
I had said that after June 15th, "either there will be an historic agreement or an all out war will develop and it will lead to chaos and turmoil." A wholesale people's war may develop in the countryside and cities. This will have grave consequences. If a people's war develops it may spread to the city streets and may even result in a civil war. I would like to repeat these things once again; if a civil war begins it will not be only Kurds who are affected by this, everyone will be affected. Any Kurd who has even one grain of honour will not have the patience to wait a single minute. I am being honest with the Kurdish people, if this happens then they may consider me dead, I cannot lead from here. There is still more than a month to go.
Everyone must be more careful during the ceasefire period. It is more important during this period for the guerrillas to defend themselves. They must be on guard 24 hours a day, however it seems from recent developments that this is not being done. It is also evident that the political operations (detention and arrests) are aiming for the youth. They are targeting the groups that are leading the resistance, they think they can suppress the rebellion in this way.
I am developing a new organisational model at the moment. This is on my agenda. I will begin putting it into practice in the following days. This will be a new model. It will have two pillars. The first is the organisation of the Kurds which will continue, but the second will bring together all the leftist Turkish organisations, environmentalists, feminists and other groups. I will work to put this into practice after the elections. Until now the state has always conspired against and trapped the Turkish left. The incidents of Mustafa Suphi and Mahir Cayan are examples. The existence of the left has always been prevented. It seems that the state has realised that the prevention of the left was a mistake. Of course the left also need to take a share of the blame. They have not developed themselves enough to overcome these traps, they have not become socialised. There is a confidence problem. Even though there are inadequacies a good start has been made together during these elections. With the new model I am developing we will bring all the forces together. I call this the Democratic Left; I will explain it in more detail at a later date.
There are two blocs in Turkey. One is the nationalist-Turkist bloc, this is represented by the CHP and MHP. The MHP is still the rigid representative of this bloc. The second is the Islamic-Turkist bloc and the AKP is its representative. The third bloc which we are trying to develop is not based on nationalist, religious, ethnic or denominationalist ties, but on a democratic society. It is called the democratic nation bloc. For years I have been talking of this third bloc that needs to be developed as an alternative to the other two. However, I have not been taken seriously regarding this and it has not been put into practise. If it had been realised earlier then it would have gained stronger political power and partnered in leading the country. I think the CHP are slowly beginning to realise the importance of the meetings we are having here. I would like to reiterate that the meetings are comprehensive and in-depth. I had called this process the democratic constitutional solution process. If the government do not agree to this process then a great war may begin, and this will mean they will only last 3 months.
We are entering an important phase. Everybody should prepare accordingly. The process will either develop into an historic agreement or war after June 15th. If there is an agreement this will be the Kurds' first important agreement in history. This summer is very important, it is a historically crucial period. For 18 years I have been curbing the war, trying to develop a peaceful process. If there is no agreement after June 15th then all military strategies such as active defence or passive defence will become devoid. Nobody should deceive themselves, they cannot deceive me either, and I am not the Apo of old. I said all of this in detail to the committee in our last meeting. What I am saying must not be misconstrued, this is not a threat. I am just doing my duty and warning everyone involved. Furthermore, internal and external forces may frustrate these meetings. These forces which are against a resolution may sabotage the process; they may even go so far as to stage a coup to prevent it.
The political hostage situation of the KCK prisoners continues. I had stated before that the KCK arrests were theorized within the police academy and that this was a new approach. A force within the police academy theorized that with the annihilation of the KCK the movement would be finished. These KCK operations have resulted in a dangerous situation and have assisted in the loss of the past five-six years. In the past there were the operations conducted by JITEM, which was lead by Veli Kucuk and his team. Those operations also cost us a lot of time and created dangerous situations. If it wasn't for our intervention at certain crucial points the situation could have been much worse. I tried to draw attention to the dangers.
The future of the KCK prisoners will be determined by the meetings we conduct here. Whether they will be released depends on the result of these meetings. If there is no agreement they may receive heavy prison sentences. The futures of all the other comrades, especially those who are ill, are dependent on these meetings. I wish to send my special regards to Mehmet Aras, Hediye who is in Bakirkoy prison and all other comrades who are not well.
Also I wish to send my regards to our people in Syria. They should be in a balanced relationship with the government and opposition.
I send my regards to our people in Kars, Mus, Malatya, Denizli and the Serhat region.